The Netsilik
The following information is specific to the Netsilik. For more information about Inuit society in general, please see the Arctic Foragers page.
Background
The Netsilik are one of several Inuit groups which are grouped into the broader category of Central Eskimo Society. They inhabit the Arctic Coast of Canada in a region called the Nunavut Territory and are flanked by the Copper Inuit to the West and the Iglulik to the East (Dumas 1969). The name Netsilik translates into ‘people of the place where there is seal’ and is thought to be derived from the name of a lake. The Netsilik, as a whole, are comprised of 7 sub-groups, which come together or split apart based on the season or necessity. Due to the nomadic nature of the Netsilik, they have been observed to live in areas ranging from the Simpson Peninsula to King William Island, approximately some 9,000 square miles of land (Balikci 1963). The climate of the Arctic Circle is a harsh and variable one. For example, in the warmest seasons the mean daily temperature is less than 50o Fahrenheit, while in the coldest seasons the mean daily temperature can vary from -20o to -40o Fahrenheit. The land is dry and lacking of nutrients to support the growth of substantial vegetation. This creates a strong dependency on hunting and meat among the Netsilik (Balikci 1970).
In 1923, Knud Rasmussen, a Greenlandic explorer, set out on the Fifth Thule Expedition and discovered six different groups of Netsilik; they are the Netsilingmiut, the Utkuhikjalingmiut, the Ilivilermiut, the Qeqertarmiut, the Kungmiut, and the Arvertormiut. The Arviligjuarmiut are seen to be a sub-group to the Netsilingmiut (Damas 1969; Balikci 1970). All groups combined; there were estimated to be some 259 individuals, 150 males and 109 females (Balikci 1970).
Subsistence Strategies
The Netsilik are subjected to very harsh environmental conditions and as a result hunting is a very strenuous and enduring task. They move from place to place in efforts to track game, however encounter an irregular supply. An annual migratory cycle is used to increase access to seasonal game, which is a heavily depended upon resource. During the summer months, the Netsilik migrate inland to fish for trout and salmon as well as hunt caribou, while in the winter months they hunt seals on the sea ice. In general, land adaptations are seen during the summer months and marine adaptations are seen in the winter months. The seasons and availability of food determine the fission-fusion cycles of the families. Normally, groups are smaller in the summer and larger in the winter (Balikci 1970).
Food (meat) sharing is vital for the survival of the group, especially during the winter months when sealing is predominantly practiced. Sharing takes place between partners. Partnerships are usually designated by fathers, but also can be done by mothers, and are based on age groups, and relatedness (Damas 1972).
Fish Weirs and Caribou Runs
In an attempt to increase the amount of food stores they can catch, the Netsilik use two methods of hunting/ fishing that require permanent structures be built and maintained. One structure is the fishing weir or the hapuitt or saputit (Balikci 1970; Stewart 1992) . The other is the caribou run, which uses stone cairns or inukshuit to drive caribou towards either the water or shooting pits (Balikci 1970; Brink 2005).
The fish weir was generally used during to catch the schools of arctic char that would be migrating in August or September. The fish weir itself was constructed out of rocks and were laid on top of each other till they were piled high enough to break the surface of the water. The weir was generally constructed so there was an oval/ circular catch basin (katgiit). Extending from this basin were walls (tulumitaq) that ran from either bank of the river to the basin. There was generally a single opening which would be blocked by a stone door (kataq) once the basin became full of fish (Stewart 1992). Balicki estimated in his 1970 salvage ethnography that one family could catch between 1500 to 2500 pounds of fish, which would then be stored for winter.
The Caribou Run was of a similar concept. This method required that 'lanes' be built by stacking 2-3 rocks on top of each other. Periodically along this drive an inukshuk would be built. This was a stone cairn that vaguely resembles a human and it much taller than the 2-3 stones. These lanes, which could split and join with other lanes, would eventually lead to a series of shallow dug-out shooting pits. These pits had a low stone wall built around the rim to add extra hiding room, but they were still relatively shallow. If the terrain allowed, they would incorporate hills to help with the herding (Brink 2005; Balikci 1970).
Both these methods required that a physical structure be erected to take advantage of the natural migratory patterns of animals. They both required regular maintenance; they both potentially increased the yield of food.
Social Structure
Kinship
The Netsilik is a patrilocal society that expands bilaterally. Each individual has a circle of relatives that can range from 30 to 50 persons whom live in various camps in different locations. The nuclear family is the basic social unit, but can extend to other relatives for support with daily tasks and social interactions. For example, an extended family could include the elderly father, mother, married sons and their offspring. Daughters would be part of this unit as well, unless they are married, in which case they would live with their husbands’ family. Collaborative behaviors are seen regularly within the Netsilik. Collaborating outside the immediate and extended family is associated with caribou hunting, making fish weirs, and seal hunting (Damas 1975).
Marriage
Monogamy is practiced most commonly. However, there are exceptions seen, such as the practice of polyandry which is a result of the shortage in marriageable women. Endogamy is also very common among the Netsilik. Parents frequently promise their children to marry their cousins in effort to guarantee them a mate. The shortage of women, due to female infanticide, has been explained to be an important stressor on marriage practices. For instance, Netsilik men have been known to steal wives from neighboring camps, kill a man for his wife, or less aggressive behaviors of polyandry and endogamy as discussed previously (Damas 1975).
Religious/Spiritual Practices
Shamanism played an essential role in the lives of the Netsilik. There are several different types of Shamanistic practices; such as, angatkok, krilaq, angatkungaruk, and ilisiniq. Balikci describes these Shamans to have major influences on the way the Netsilik people rationalize everyday events whether they be positive or negative. The Shamans are selected from a very young age and trained to act as the all knowing being that have supernatural powers. They use protective spirits known as “tunraqs” which can manipulated into healing or even killing people. If someone became sick it was because of an evil spirit entered their igloo. If the Shaman was successful in treating and curing the sick of their ailments, then the spirits defeated the evil ones. However, if the patient died, then the evil spirits were too powerful. Just as in all religion, this system permits total belief and compliance of all people in the group. In addition to Shamanism, the use of taboos is customary and acts as a more subtle way of keeping people in order (Balikci 1963).
Infanticide
Traditionally, the Netsilik practiced infanticide at a very high rate. As a result of this female infanticide, a shortage of eligible women to marry exists; therefore affecting many marriage practices, such as the stealing women from neighboring camps. Many theories have been proposed as to why the Netsilik commit infanticide. Rasmussen and others suggest that infanticide is a means of “population control”, while Balikci argues that it is an adaptive behavior in response to the high male mortality rate. There are many more theories for this maladaptive practice; however most are very hard to test (Riches 1974).
The Netsilik Today
Today, most live in or near the modern governments of Taloyoak and Pelly Bay on Boothia Peninsula, as well as in Gjoa Haven on King William Island. The lifestyles of many that live in these areas have changed significantly in efforts to be socioeconomically homogeneous with rest of the current population. For instance, many living in these areas take part in paid labor, education, utilizing other languages, and traveling to different areas. Various original social practices are being challenged and the people are using community identity to replace many of the Netsilik norms. In a sense, these Inuit peoples are still in flux and adapting to new modern ways of living (Riches 1974).
The Netsilik Inuit (Netsilingmiut) live predominately in the communities of Kugaaruk and Gjoa Haven of the Kitikmeot Region, Nunavut and to a smaller extent in Taloyoak and the north Qikiqtaaluk Region. They were, in the early 20th century, among the last Northern indigenous people to encounter missionaries from the south. The missionaries introduced a system of written language called Qaniujaaqpait, based on syllabics, to the Netsilik in the 1920s. Eastern Canadian Inuit, among them the Netsilik, were the only Inuit peoples to adopt a syllabic system of writing. [from the Wikipedia, needs to be edited and expanded] Asen Balikci has written an ethnography about the Netsilik based on his own fieldwork (Balikci 1970) and that of Knud Rasmussen.
The Netsilik Eskimo Series, created under the direction of Dr. Asen Balikci, portrays the traditional life of the Netsilik pre-European acculturation in 21 half-hour films. Here is a link to the films' publisher, Documentary Educational Resources, where more information about the movies can be found. Click HERE to view some of Part One of Stalking Seal on the Spring Ice. This is a great part of the series which shows how the Netsilik lay on the ice and slowly approach the seal, as seen in the photograph on pg. 121 of our book, The Netsilik Eskimo by Asen Balikci.
